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57. System Of Hypotheses

1. AMULETS. Among the Tungus groups and Manchus there is a belief that there are various things which may bring luck in different branches of human activity. Such things are usually incidentally found in the form of natural abnormalities, monstrosities, rare unknown things, etc. If the Tungus happen to learn something new along this line they include it into their complex without any hesitation. Owing to this there now is in vogue a belief into the possibility of finding treasures, ever-lasting food, etc., borrowed from the Chinese, Mongols and even Russians. The function of the amulets in Tungus life is not great, but they never refuse to collect them and keep, for nobody exactly knows what is true and what is not, but to keep these things is not difficult. Yet one likes to have a hope of finding a fortune, or luck. The coincidence of «luck» with finding or using amulets often brings confirmation of the supposedly existing correlation between amulets and luck. Owing to the character of this hypothesis of the amulets and particular hypotheses regarding relationship between particular amulets and particular forms (cases) of luck are subject to great variations, not only among the ethnical groups but also in the life of generations and individuals. I will here give a list of amulets which, as a matter of fact, may be extended by more detailed investigation of the groups and even individuals. Naturally the amulets are much more fashionable among the Tungus who are in close contact with the other ethnical groups, and especially among those who are under the Chinese influence.

The amulets are called among the Manchus and Tungus groups influenced by them, — bobai, [cf. Dahur baobai (Poppe), - «precious», «precious thing»; Manchu baobai (Zaxarov), - id. from Chinese bao-bei] while among the reindeer Tungus of Manchuria and those of the Amur Government it is called ajeya. Amulets may be carried on the cradles, with the tobacco bag, attached to the spirits. Many amulets have been formed from the placings for spirits and special things used for protection. Therefore to establish the line of demarcation between an amulet and former placing for spirits or protector against them, is impossible. Such is also the Tungus attitude in this matter. If such an amulet is found and if it is followed by luck in hunting there must be given sacrifice to the local spirits or to the spirit which is held responsible for the success. Once I met with the hypothesis that all amulets are produced by the spirits and therefore one must consider any amulet as indicative of future luck to be produced by the spirits, — the spirits therefore must have regular sacrifices from those who carry the amulets, and if the sacrifice is not given it will be very bad for those who carry the amulets. Indeed, this idea puts a certain limitation upon the collecting of amulets. However, this is not a general belief.

Here are a few examples of articles used for amulets:

Double nuts, and other double seeds, are supposed to bring good growth to the child and therefore are attached to the cradle (Manchu and Birarchen). The Tungus are not sure whether it may bring luck or not, but since there must be something for making noise for lulling the child, they attach them to the clothes, cradle etc.

A small black stone with a hole through which a thin thong passes for being attached to the clothes, cradle, etc., the meaning and influence of which is not clear (various groups). It is used for increasing milk in mares among the Khingan Tungus who drink this milk and also make of it a kind of brandy (arak'i).

A small piece of metal found in natural state with a hole (RTM).

A black pebble in the form of human foot (Birarchen).

The roe-deer heart covered with hair (I have not seen it) (Tungus of the Amur Gov.).

The antlers of roe-deer females which is, of course, a rare occurrence (Kumarchen).

A transparent stone incidentally embedded in the shell of a fresh water mollusk (Birarchen).

The black fox which has become very rare (Birarchen).

The white mustelidae, e.g. sable, solongo, [amongst all groups perhaps because of the great value given to it by the Chinese (Manchu) emperors].

The Chinese small silver images (sculptured) of unknown meaning, together with a lynx claw attached to the tobacco bag (Manchus).

A red transparent stone (bought from the Chinese) which contains «water» inside; if one «oints» (rubs) the eyes with

it one may see through stone, iron, wood, the human body,

etc. (Birarchen).

A hard tumor from the stomach of a Cervus Elaphus was carried during the entire lifetime of my informer's father. The tumor was discovered by my informer, fastened with a bunch of wooden placings for spirits, and his mother explained its significance; he usually carried it with him but had recently lost it (Birarchen).

A flower with leaves, carved in bone, was discovered in the internal organs of a carp; it had been preserved for a very long time but was later lost (Birarchen).

From the Chinese, the Birarchen Tungus have learnt that in the cave located near the village Radde there must be very important amulet for during the winter hot gases are permanently escaping from the cave which is indicative that there must be an amulet guarded by a boa-constrictor which is breathing.

There are some amulets which produce light with the help of which one may move with great speed, even in the air, one may produce horses and carts for travelling, one may find unlimited number of hunting animals, etc. but it is very difficult to find such an amulet, and it is known only from stories.

Generally, every thing which is rare, new for the Tungus, exceptional and beyond their understanding may be regarded as an amulet which may bring luck. What the amulet may bring depends on what the Tungus know about it from the alien folklore and their own imagination. Yet, the psychological condition of confidence in success, is also an important factor in the consolidation of this hypothesis.

It may be thus formulated that there are two kinds of amulets, namely, the amulets which are sent by the spirits as indication of luck in hunting and in general, which are essentially Tungus in their origin, the effectiveness of which is confirmed by observations as to the frequency of coincidence; and the amulets and their effects found in the ideas of neighbouring groups the effectiveness of which has never been checked up and is admitted as true only owing to the credit given to the information received from the ethnical groups wish possess a certain power. However, it may be pointed out, the second group of amulets plays its part chiefly in the folklore and not in Tungus life, for the Tungus do not absolutely rely upon the hear-say of other people.

2. SIMILIA SIMILIBUS. Among all Tungus groups there are many cases which may be understood as due to the hypothesis that when a certain action or state is produced by man it may be reproduced again and in a different form even without man's acting. However, the situation is not as simple as that, for there are at least two different conditions of the possibility of inference of similia similibus. The simplest case is that when the action is used as a method of communicating the idea or request to the spirits regulating or responsible for certain phenomena. Second, there may be a case of influence on the immaterial substance introduced into the placing. Third, the pure case of similia similibus the mechanism of which remains hidden from the people. As a matter of fact, I might confine myself to the third group only, but some examples may be useful for giving a more exact idea and showing the difference between the three cases only seemingly similar.

When the Khingan Tungus and Manchus whistle for producing wind the idea is not that the whistling will do it, but the idea is to call the attention of the spirit and to communicate to it the idea: «we want you to produce wind». Yet, the whistling and hissing constitute a method of calling spirits. Some of them easily respond to this call. Owing to this whistling cannot be used without thinking of possible consequences. The Khingan Tungus make straw images (not placing!) of animals which they want to kill, and they shoot these images; they do so for showing the spirits what they want. Indeed, the same can be done by telling the spirits. However, this case may be still more complex.

When the Tungus make a placing, call into it the soul of people whom they want to harm and then shoot or partially destroy the placing, the idea is that the exteriorated soul is placed in the placing and when the placing is partially destroyed the soul would be also destroyed and thus as a consequence the body of the owner of the soul will suffer too. This method is widely practised by all Tungus and on different occasions [365]. However, if we do not hurry with the solution of the problem whether the telepathic action and transmission of ideas is possible or not, if we remember what has already been stated in reference to it (and still more will be stated), perhaps in the case of similar actions there is more than a simply groundless hypothesis of the possibility of influencing the people «on distances Indeed, the case of a Tungus who burnt the eyes of his wife's placings for spirits (najil, cf. supra) and next morning the wife lost her eye, is different, for here is typical case of post hoc — propter hoc. No doubt the eye had been infected for a long time, the process was advanced, and at the last moment before the perforation of the eye ball the husband happened to carry out his operation with his wife's spirits. In every case, thus, we must know exactly how the Tungus understand the action.

Let us now take, for instance, the case of the power supposed to exist in different organs. If a Kumarchen Tungus should eat tiger's eyes he might become absolutely fearless. In order to have good teeth one must clean the interdental spaces, and naturally the gums, with the hair from tiger's moustaches. These cases are, as a matter of fact, different. In fact, in the first case the fearlessness is supposed to reside in the eyes for the tiger fixes the enemy with its eyes but there seems to be very little probability as to the physiological effect of the tissues of the eye, while in the second case, a light massage with the hard hair may have its beneficial effect on the gums. One instance more. Among many ethnical groups the liver is supposed to be the place where the soul resides [366]. Yet, since the correlation between certain psychic conditions and that of the liver is a well known fact, it cannot be supposed that it is absolutely unknown to the people like the Tungus and Manchus, — the troubles of the liver followed by pain and change of behaviour are too evident. A further generalization is easily made. The Manchus say about the fearless people that they have amba fayun — «great liver», and the people with such a large liver are not afraid of spirits. Why not try to eat liver in order to get fearlessness? In fact they do eat it always raw [367]. All these groups are quite expert as to the difference of the reaction of the organism to different kinds of food, and they do it quite consciously when they select it for different purposes. For instance, bear's fat during the winter is used for keeping the body warm, and different kinds of meat are classified from the point of view of heat produced and strength given to the organism. These are facts learnt from the experience of generations. They know also the effects of embryological tissues and that of the growing reindeer antlers. Thus in their attitude in this question, they do not ascribe to the liver and different organs a super-natural power, but they suppose that these organs may contain something which may have specific influence on the organism. The question whether they are wrong or right in their supposition is not what we are now interested in. As a matter of fact, the basis of the idea is observation of difference in the physiological effect of different tissues and supposition that psychic condition may depend on the selected food. Both propositions are now practically and theoretically admitted by the medical science and biology. However, it is very likely that a «skeptical ethnographer of the last century when seeing the organo-therapeutic modern preparations, without knowing the mechanism of their effectiveness, would also classify them as «magic»; the fact of females eating their placenta after the delivery he would use for showing superiority of human being as compared with the animals; the fact of «popular belief» that the twins very often die simultaneously would be also explained as a «superstition», while the facts now gathered place before our eyes a new and still «mysterious» fact of common occurrence of the almost simultaneous death of uniovular twins.

Indeed, it is very possible that the Tungus in the case of the tiger's eyes, roe-deer liver and other similar cases commit the error of over-imposing various hypotheses which cannot be regarded as correct ones, and yet it is very possible that the confirmation of the effects is wrongly interpreted, but it is absolutely evident that their reasoning is naturalistic and does not very much differ from any other reasoning based upon insufficiently studied facts and postulated hypotheses which are not yet checked up. In this respect their reasoning does not differ, in principle, from that of medicine and psychology of the last century, and perhaps in the eyes of future generations their point of view will not differ very much from that of medicine and psychology of our days.

The Tungus Birarchen as shown use the snake for making poisonous bullets (cf. supra). Indeed, to what degree they are «magicians» in this case may be solved only by a careful chemical analysis.

The Tungus avoid coming in contact with the families which produce twins and triplets, for a similar case may occur with other people. Is it an observation of the facts that infection (e.g. syphilis) is responsible for twins, triplets and other abnormalities or is it a simple case of similia similibus?

In the families where children die, the Birarchen (also Manchus) use preventive methods. On the living children they put rings on ear, bracelets on the ankles and wrists, and head (fontanel). These are methods borrowed from the Chinese and probably partly preserved from the earlier times, — the tatooing The idea is that the spirit will not attack persons who are taking such measures. The Birarchen also put on the wrist of the child a narrow piece of hedgehog skin in order to keep away the spirits. Among the Manchus similar methods are used and yet they also put on child's neck a white string for protecting child until he has grey (white) hair. Indeed, the Chinese methods described by H. Dore, among the Manchus and Tungus are mere imitation. When the child has eye trouble the Manchus cut eyeglasses from brown paper and put them on the child. The case of marks and eye-glasses are cases of correspondence with the spirits. It is different with the treatment of abdomen in children when the Manchus put «red paper» on it instead of Chinese «red plaster on paper». Experimentally is known that the Chinese red plaster is very effective, but medical side of the plaster escapes the Manchus' attention and they use only «colour».

The Tungus Birarchen in order to prevent the spirit of thunder from killing them by mistake, must whistle and make noise in order to show their presence. Also, the axe must be put with the sharp edge up for the same purpose, i.e. for show ing that there are people, and probably that the spirit may cut itself with the sharp edge of the axe.

The Tungus in general, as well as Manchus, are very careful with their nails and hair cut. These cannot be thrown away. The reason is that the parts of human being may be collected by other people and used as a good placing for the soul of the man to whom the hair and nails belong. Moreover, they may be also used directly by the spirits.

In order to exhaust the typical cases I will quote a case which is a good illustration of the Tungus idea similia similibus. I have measured a Nercinsk Tungus. I recorded his name, clan, age, etc. which is needed in such a case. I took his photo. At last I asked him to sing me something for phonograph record, — he was a good singer. Then his ak'i («senior clansman») energetically protested and told me: «You have taken his measure, his name and his picture. Now you want to take his voice. What will be left him?» According to his ideas if I should be in possession of all his personality which as his double would be carried by me to St. Petersburg, there bad-natured people might use it for their manipulations. Indeed, in this case there was no «complex of individuality», the possessors of which as far as possible want to preserve the personality mysterious and independent, owing to the fear of being easily read by the outsiders who may also use their knowledge in personal interest. The last case is also met with amongst Tungus but it would naturally take a different form as compared for instance with the Europeans, — it will be «animistic» and «magic»

Amongst the Manchus it is strictly observed that a foreigner arriving at the house at the moment when dust is swept out of the house must not stop on it or go across it. By doing so the man may influence the small particles of dust and dirt which were produced by the members of the family and in this way produce harm to the people. In case somebody in the house should fall ill, it is very likely that the visitors breaking this regulation, would be accused of producing the misfortune. Naturally, nobody would risk breaking friendship.

I might increase the number of instances which may look at first as «magic», but which are not so actually, i.e. in so far as their function and «origin» are concerned. However, not everything may be treated in the way above shown. Indeed, among the Manchus and Tungus there are some methods the meaning of which cannot be clearly understood at least by myself while these people cannot give good reasons, Such is, for instance, the case of the selection of «happy people» among the Manchus for accompanying and performing the ceremony of wedding These people must have no dead members in their families, i.e. man's wife and woman's husband, also all their children must be alive. Here it is supposed that if they are «happy» the new married people will be also happy.

Amongst the Barguzin Tungus when a man is about to die, they slaughter a reindeer, take the heart out of the still warm reindeer and put on the breast of the dying person, This is also practised among other groups when they may have a fresh heart. In order to activise the growth of teeth in children, the parents must throw away the milk teeth, Among the Manchus these must be left on the roof of the house. Such instances are not very common amongst the groups here discussed and I cannot classify them as cases of pure and simple similia similibus «magic».

3. DIVINATION OF THE FUTURE. The Tungus, as well as Manchus and most of other existing ethnical groups accept the idea that by means of special methods one can predict the future. This complex usually is of great psychological importance and among the Tungus it is not ignored. Although it is recognized that the common people are not endowed with this power in the same degree as the shamans who may know the future with the help of spirits, it is also recognized that there is some connection between the facts of future and some facts of present moment, so that by knowing certain facts of the present one may foresee the future. In this general description there is nothing particularly characteristic of the Tungus. But the question is about the facts which are considered, as sufficient for prevision of future, and thus, prediction. As a matter of fact, some facts as indicative of future are not at all without foundation, as for instance the case of sign of successful hunting when the raven goes ahead of the hunter, although the Tungus do not understand the mechanism of this peculiar form of co-operation between the raven and man, and ascribe this fact to the same «mysterious» connections as, for instance, itching of palm as sign of success, etc. We may distinguish two cases, namely, (1) divination based upon various methods, and (2) prevision of future based upon observation of special signs.

The reading of future and divination naturally are beloved occupation of the Tungus and Manchus, but are almost monopolised by the shamans. Besides this most liked form of shamanistic fortune-telling which is based upon the shaman's mastering of spirits and which will be discussed later, there are some methods used by the common people, but most of them are recent imitation of Chinese, Mongol, and Russian practices. The divination by means of the cracks of the burned shoulder blade (scapula of sheep, reindeer, and other animals) is known, but this art among the Tungus does not go as far as with the Mongols, — the whole operation looks like an unskilful attempt, as it is true of other methods of divination. There has been introduced, especially among the Birarchen, a new method of divination with the rifle, but it is not of a Tungus origin. Among the Manchus the Chinese fortune-tellers enjoy great appreciation and in some cases they may be responsible for an enormous increase of this item of family expenditure. Yet, some Manchus versed in the Chinese methods try to use them too. There are two methods especially popular, namely, tossing up of five coins and burning of incense sticks, — three sticks are put together and according to the speed of their burning there may be received different combinations indicative of future.

It is different with various signs observed. As stated some of them are not at all senseless, but a great number of them are cases of mere post hoc propter hoc; and yet still a greater number are responsible for the future because of their influence on the Tungus activity. I shall now give some examples; an exhaustive presentation of all facts gathered cannot be done here.

The dreams occupy a very important part in the complex of signs indicative of future. This question is extremely delicate, for it is now known that dreams may reflect «unconscious» complex, while the actions in reality may be conditioned by the same complex. Thus the coincidence of both may not be absolutely incidental. Second, the dreams may condition the dreamers' attitude in his daily life, by the mechanism of self-suggestion. Third, as shown before, the case of telepathic communication in dreams must not be dismissed, and so the dreams may result from an actual perception of facts at a distance, whence they may be factual prevision of events. At last, the incidental coincidence of dreams and real events may be mixed with the above shown cases of casual connection between the dreams and reality. Yet, the question is still much complicated by the fact of symbolization of forms and situations, as well as by emotional complexes, for the symbols loaned from other ethnographical complexes may change their «function» in a new complex, i.e. become to some degree independent of the original function, and to remain even «functionless symbols» transmitted by tradition. In the complex of dream divination there were thus included observations and inferences of various origin, so that their analysis might form by itself an interesting psychological essay. Here I shall give a few facts without attempting to give their analysis. According to a Birarchen informer, the dreams appropriate their meaning individually (i.e. the symbolization is an individual matter). In this case the canoe means the arrival of guests, some misfortune, especially death; various animals mean shamans, who according to the Tungus, may assume the form of birds, snakes, dogs, etc.; during pregnancy of one's wife to see a snake means to have a son, to see a bird means to have a daughter. A Khingan informer told me that dreaming of shooting his own horse and skinning it means a success the next morning in hunting Cervus Elaphus with good antlers.

The birds as messengers of «luck» are known among all groups. For instance, among the Khingan groups the taw (in Khingan Tungus, taw) foretells success in hunting, and brings news from home and back; for this reason the young's of this bird are caught and kept, especially by children, near the house. If it cries joyfully it means that some of family members have killed an animal; if somebody must fall ill this bird produces an interrupted (staccato) cry; if the bird cries irregularly it means some misfortune. The partridge is also a sign of hunting «luck», but not always, — if two partidges should suddenly fly away in front of hunter, the latter must quickly say: «One branch! Two!» and so on, where «branch» means the forks of the antlers of the Cervus Elaphus and it is supposed that the birds would descend on the antlers of an animal with the indicated number of branches (the greater the number of branches of the antlers the dearer are the animals), but if the partridges fly away before the hunter can say anything or if they descend in view of the hunter, there will be no luck in hunting In previous pages I have already related the cases observed amongst the Birarchen of «luck» brought by the raven (vide supra).

In the same way the snakes may indicate «luck» in hunting. For instance, among the Khingan Tungus it is supposed that if a snake would crawl into the wigwam without biting the people it would mean a success in hunting [368]. A snake once slipped into the baby's cradle and coiled itself around the baby's neck; this was considered as a sign of good «luck» for the child who from that time always was very healthy. Naturally, snakes must not be killed [369]. The human body is also a source for producing various signs. For instance, the Birarchen suppose that if the muscles contract themselves without control it means good «luck» in hunting and the Khingan Tungus think that if the hand is itching it means the «luck» in hunting, — there will be «blood» and «skin», — spirit baihaca would give an animal.

A great and certain source of good information as to the future for the Birarchen is the fire, — the various types of noise produced by it. All abnormal phenomena produce a great impression on the Tungus and they are often interpreted as warning. For instance, among the Birarchen a mare produced twins and died; soon after this the father of my informer died too; then the neighbors were greatly frightened by these two facts and believed that all of the people and the horses would die in a near future. Indeed, twins in horses is not a frequent occurrence, but how the inference as to the future has been made I could not find out.

The natural phenomena also receive their special meaning. For instance, among the Khingan Tungus it is supposed that if the wind turns back the flags of a company going out for war, the company will be badly defeated. Therefore, it is safer to return home immediately.

4. BAD AND GOOD PLACES, DAYS AND PERIODS. The Tungus and especially Manchus have the idea that there are «bad» and «good» places, days, hours and periods. The theory is partly based on the above mentioned theory of roads, also that of jin and jang, according to which the places may be dangerous neutral and good. This theory also finds good support from the Chinese books for divination and definition of «lucky» and «unlucky» conditions. It is thus natural that the directions by which dangerous spirits are going are not good, while the directions free of the malevolent spirits are good. Let us take some instances. The directions North and West, and all the directions lying between, are considered as «bad» while directions of South are not so.The day roads are better than night roads. The odd days of the month which are jin are considered unlucky. The hours of the day among the Manchus are named by the animals and spirits e.g. endur'i er'in, mor'in er'in, etc. and there is xutu er'in too; the people who die at xutu er'in may became ibayan. However, this opinion is not adopted by all Manchus. The same is true of the hours when one wants to undertake some important business, particularly wedding ceremony, burial etc. Among the Birarchen the twenty-fourth day of the month is considered as a good day for hunting while the twenty-fifth is bad.

Generally among the Tungus these ideas are not so important as they are among the Manchus. Among the latter the knowledge of this matter is still not sufficient, so the Chinese specialists must be consulted in every case. These ideas only gradually penetrate amongst the Northern Tungus. Therefore the Tungus who are in contact with the Manchus, Dahurs, and Mongols know much more about these things, and the Tungus who are living far away, know very little, if anything. Indeed, the distinction of days and hours is possible only on the condition of observing the calendar, and divisions of the day.

In the case of choice of the place for burial, the Tungus prefer those which are «gay», i.e. attractive, from the Tungus point of view. These places would be «good». In the case of choice of a «good» place for wigwam they would avoid the places traversed by the path because of the spirits which may follow it.

The situation is greatly complicated owing to the fact that there are some places «bad», because of the spirits which are there settled. So the case of the removal of the families from one to another house are frequent, if there are several subsequent misfortunes in the family. Indeed, in all cases which I knew the decision was conditioned by considerations of a practical order too. For instance, the house might be too old, or too big for a reduced family, not convenient for winter season, etc.» It is very common that the misfortunes occurred in the families are explained by the fact of bad place chosen for the burial of ancestors, but the Manchus very rarely transfer bones to another place. This fashion did not develop into such a hyper-throphy as it happened with the Koreans who are kept busy throughout whole of their life by transferring ancestral bones from one to another unlucky spot.

The analysis of cases of «bad» and «good» places and periods requires great caution, for the choice of place and period very often depend on the consideration of a practical order, but since the reasons are forgotten they may be as «bad» and «good» with reference to the «luck» etc. which, as shown, in many a case has nothing to do with the groundless hypotheses.

It may be also pointed out that in the Manchu and Tungus ceremonies there are also several prescriptions of avoidance, which may also be called «bad» and «good» but which actually are merely of the code of politeness, as a complex by itself needed for regulation of social relations. There are, for instance, customs of descending the horse when passing a house of honorable persons, to avoid stepping or sitting on the threshold in the house, for threshold is called «neck of the houselord», and many others of the same type.

365. The Manchus told me that in the village of tokso (Kalunsan. Chinese) there was a Japanese «doctor» who used to make effigies of his possible patients. So he would take a piece of paper and write upon it the name of the patient and then fix it upon the wall with nails after which he would perforate the written name. Many of the people became sick and had to go for medical assistance. Naturally the Manchus were greatly indignant about this dangerous activity and denounced this «doctor».

366. The Manchus and Tungus do not assert it.

367. The Manchus eat roe-deer raw liver for preserving good sight.

368. My informer had a visit of two snakes; the next morning he killed two Cervus Elaphus with good antlers. Another day during his rest at midday, a snake crawled near to him and slipped under his trousers; this was considered as a very good sign of success. It must be pointed out that in the same regions of the Khingan Tungus territory, snakes are very abundant. They penetrated our tent, that of our cossacks, and even once a snake spent its night under the sadle cushion used by the cossack as his pillow. In this particular place thousands of snakes are sheltered in a hot cave during the winter and they come out in spring.

369. Our killing of snakes found in our tents produced the most strong impression on these Tungus, but the misfortune, according to their ideas, might affect us, not them.

370. For illustration I shall now give an instance. In Kalunsan a Manchu petty official built up a large, well ornamented house in 1908. The construction cost $1500. Three years later (the downfall of the Manchu Dynasty) the family began to suffer from various misfortunes: the children were often sick, the head of family lost his position, and lost money in several undertakings; also, he got a spirit during his travelling. Therefore the family was reduced and the house was occupied only about a third as compared with the formerly occupied space. The house required a large quantity of fuel which could not be bought. So the man decided to sell the house. Nobody wanted to buy it for the house was built on a «bad» place, although he wanted to have for his house only $150. At last, a man decided to buy it for $400 in order to transport it to another place. The house was sold and the family went to live in a small house.

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