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52. General Characteristics Of These Spirits

TUNGUS TERMS. The present chapter is devoted to a detailed description of the Mastered Spirits which I have separated into a special group. It ought to be pointed out that these spirits are not at all «protectors» or «benevolent spirits» of the shamans. These spirits are those which are mastered by the shamans. Among all ethnical groups here discussed, the shaman is their ojan, ejen, etc. i.e. «the master». The relation between the shaman and the spirit will be discussed later, when the nature of shamanism and functions of the shaman are described.

In the Northern Tungus dialects of groups here discussed the spirits mastered by the shamans are called by different terms which may be brought to the common stem seva, while amongst the Manchus there is another term, namely, vocko.

Among the Tungus of Transbaikalia, the Barguzin group, the Khingan group and the Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria the term is seva; among the Khingan, Kumarchen and Birarchen Tungus it is sever), seven; the latter is known among the Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria and Mankova Nomad Tungus. According to I. A. Lopatin (op. cit. p. 219) the Goldi term is seon, in an evidently approximate transcription [329]. S. Poniatowski twice gives sewo for Goldi spirits. However, among the Goldi C. Maximowicz recorded sewa, s'euwa (W. Grube, p. 91) in the sense of «idol», i.e. evidently a «placing» for some spirit. In Olca we have seen sevo «an idol, god» (P. P. Schmidt). Also, L von Schrenck mentions «idols» seva [330] among the Samagir group of Goldi and among the Olca [331]. S. Brailovskii (op. cit. p. 184) says that the Udehe divide their spirits into two groups namely, «good» spirits, — syn, and «evil» spirits, — sakxa, anachi. Indeed, this is not true for «good» and «evil» are not evidently of Udehe complex. Here syn undoubtedly is sen, i.e. contracted form of seven. As a matter of fact, the Udehe have inclination for con traction of certain words [332]. Indeed the final ng~n in Tungus may be of a secondary origin, as a suffix which is very common. Thus, the stem is sVvV.

We met with this stem when we discussed the name for «God» and the term for «placing», and even the term for the «box» in which the placings are preserved. Since the analysis of these words may help us, I shall proceed to give it. We have sovok'i, xovok'i, xavaki (Enis.) and contracted forms xauk'i, xeuk'i (Lamut, Schiefner) (perhaps, xoki) used in the sense of «God» (introduced probably by the Orthodox missionaries); sewek'i (Barguz. Nomad Tungus, Poppe) is «idol made of rugs»; sevek'i (Mank.), savak'i, sawaki, sewek'i (Bir. Kum. Khin.) is «placing in general»; sevek'i, sewek'i, sevoki, sok'i (Bir.) is «spirits of burkan type»; savaki, savak'i, s'avak'i (Barg. Nerc.) is «spirits of burkan type and placings for spirits»; in Goldi, Oroci, Olca we meet with sevoki — «idol, a god» (according to P. P. Schmidt); heueunn'i (Lamunxinskii, P. V. Olenin's record is not sure) is «placings», which when cleared from suffices will be hewu — sevu. With the above indicated variation sok'i (Bir.) probably we ought to connect Oroci seka, and perhaps Goldi seka [333] Oroci saka (Margaritov), s'aka (Leontovic) [334]. I. A. Lopatin also gives sekka, — «devils», etc. supposed to have been borrowed from the Oroci. Sekka looks like either emphatic or imperfectly perceived seka [335].

Let us now classify these data. We have thus sVvV, and sVrV+ki with their variations and contracted form sV+ki. It is evident that the forms with suffix-ki are based upon the same stem sVvV. Let us remark that the contraction is going on sewok'i—>seok'i—>sok'i; indeed, if the contracted original form is seveki, we have to expect seki. As to the variations of the initial s~sh~h~x they are quite common in the dialects liable to aspiration and palatalisation. Thus, the original stem is sVvV. As to the semantic variations it may be noted that, if we leave aside new meanings like «God», «box» and perhaps «placing», there will remain a series with the meaning «spirits with which the shamans are dealing». In this strict meaning we meet with the stem sVvV in various dialects, namely, Barg. Nerc. Mank. RTM. Kum. Bir. Khin. and Goldi. Since this conception in Tungus is connected with a special kind of shamanistic spirits, there are found very limited semantic variations, and they have no etymology in Tungus, — I am inclined to look at it as an alien term. Furthermore, since the terms like burkan, saman, enduri and many others of the same complex are connected with Central Asiatic languages and with the primary source of Buddhism, — India, — I am inclined to see in it one of the loan-words from India, namely, the name of god Civa who, as well as his son Kartikeya, was supposed to be protector of science and who was fought and at last subjugated. A. Grunwedel has identified the Civa deities with the local Tibetan and Mongol spirits. Might it not be different with the Tungus? As to the question at which epoch it might happen, we have, naturally, to go to the beginning of shamanism (sramanism) when the terms were received by the Tungus. However, before it is shown in the same clear manner as it was with saman and burkan, there will remain other possibilities as to the origin of this stem and conception. Here it may be pointed out that the colloquial Northern Chinese term shifu [335]«the teacher» — has been assimilated by the Manchus as sefu and it has undergone a further modification in Birarchen sebu (Bir)||sefu (Manchu) referred on]y to the «shaman-teacher».»» In fact, the soul of the deceased shaman often, if not usually, becomes one of the spirits, while the old shamans and their souls are «teachers» of the new generation of shamans. Thus, in Tungus soil shifu—>sefu might easily become a general term for «shamanistic, mastered spirit». It is especially true of the Manchu complex in which the principal spirits are souls of the old teachers-shamans. In pointing out such a possibility of the origin of sVvV, I do not believe it to be a better hypothesis than the first one, from Civa. For the time being I leave aside some other still less possible suggestions as to the origin of sVvV.

As to the Manchu term vochko in reference to the shaman's spirits it may be pointed out that the term does not differ from that used for «ancestors» which has already been analysed (vide supra), by which I do not presume to say whether the term for shamanistic spirit was one which later covered the ancestral complex in general or vice versa. The chief characteristic of the Manchu system is that the spirits mastered are confined to the clans and for the greatest part, are ancestors of the living generations so that the same spirits may be included in the ancestral groups of spirits mastered and non-mastered. Thus the term vochko has no particular meaning «spirits mastered by the shamans», but merely «ancestors» who may be prominent owing to their potential influences on the living generation.

We meet with some other terms by which the spirits mastered may be called. For instance, the Birarchen, when they are angry with the spirits' activity, call them merely s'irkul (vide supra) and the Manchus would call them xutu adali, — «xutu like». The Reindeer Tungus of Manchuria used the parallel term haja(n) as equivalent to seven and which seems to be of Yakut origin from ajy (vide Pekarskii, pp. 47-49). However, this term was referred only to the spirits which were needed for shamanizing uyiski, i.e. to the upper world complex, while for the lower world there was still used seva. The same is true of the Barguzin Tungus amongst whom the shamans call their spirits ojan generally except the shamanizing to the lower world for which they used also the term seva. Indeed, the ojan are a particular group of spirits (vide supra) which were mastered by these shamans. When the seven enters into the shaman it calls itself by the shaman's mouth, aejon~ajon~ajen = (&ajon), while the seven belonging to (controlled by) a shaman are called shaman'i on'ir, both of which terms are not clear. When two Birarchen shamans introduce spirits they call each other dovei and oppose themselves to the common people, — asaran.

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CHARACTER OF SPIRITS. As to the general character of these spirits they are not benevolent at all. When they enter people who cannot master them, these people affected may «lose their minds» altogether and perish. We shall see later some examples of this. These spirits are rather malevolent, and mischievous, even when they are mastered. For instance, in the Birarchen clan dunankan, because of a seven, many people perished; — one was burnt, another killed, children were sick, etc. Another case: there was a shaman who had a very mischievous spirit; the shaman was ill and in his dreams he saw that he bit the finger of a child; in fact, the child fell sick after this dream; all this was done by the spirit. Third case: there was a shaman-beginner whom a certain spirit did not like; the shaman-beginner went hunting but he was not successful; then he made a special operation of divination with his gun and found out that a seven of another shaman was making trouble for him; then he made a bami (placing made of straw) and perforated it with his knife; on his way home he wounded himself with his knife in exactly the region where the bami was perforated; he told the story to other people and soon after that died. The case is explained as due to the mischievousness of the shaman's spirit which did not want to have him as its master, took the form of another spirit (belonging to another shaman) and compelled the inexperience shaman-beginner to carry on the operation by which the spirit was affected and since it was actually the spirit of this shaman the latter had to commit the same act on himself (naturally the spirit as such did not suffer of the injury).

The spirits carry on continuous war and minor quarrels between themselves and with the other spirits, which may greatly affect the people. To regulate these quarrels is very difficult for one must know exactly the «roads» of all spirits which might be affected by seven. Such wars sometimes continue during several generations and thus the people live under conditions of uncertainty expecting at any moment to be affected by this war. Owing to the quarrels the spirits sometimes eat the sacrifice prepared for other spirits, so that those which are deprived of their regular sacrifice become angry with the people.

However, the spirits, which belong to the same shaman, may co-operate and sometimes they ask the shaman to bring some more spirits for carrying on their duties. The shaman never refuses and sometimes calls five or six spirits together. The same relations may be established as a permanent system of co-operation of a group of spirits. These spirits are not also liked by other spirits, so that if one wants to call these spirits one must ask the other spirits to leave free passage for them. Such spirits are, e.g. the ancestors, julask'i,fuch'k'i and others.

The activity of spirits may be recognized by the «roads» or effects as seen on the people. They usually have several «roads» so the effects on people are different. For instance, the night road of j'iach'i seven will be different from the night road of kadar seven, as well as their «noon roads». A mistake in establishing the «road» may lead to further complications for the spirit which should receive the sacrifice, would be envied by another spirit which actually made trouble and the disease would continue and even the condition of the sick person might become aggravated. Experienced people may recognize the «road». The «road» may sometimes be understood as the road along which the souls of sick people are carried out by the spirit.

The spirits possess their own will and character. However, they may change it under the influence of their own experience. So, for instance, once a spirit did not want to be photographed (i.e. the shaman in the state when the spirit was introduced) but although it refused, I was told that when the spirit should have become accustomed to the camera, this would be possible. In fact, it was done later. The spirits do not like, also, certain kinds of food and every one has its taste, but if they accustom themselves to a new food, they may like it. So it was, for instance, with new alcoholic drinks of foreign origin, tobacco, sweets etc. The spirits (manifestations) of certain roads do not like light, some others do not like darkness. They also react on change of weather, — rain, cold, heat, etc. They are also very sensitive as to their treatment by the people and therefore the people and especially the shaman must be pleasant to these spirits when they are to be attracted or to be used. For instance, the female spirits among the Manchus, want to hear something about beautiful flowers, to be praised for their beauty, etc. The spirits must not be disturbed if they are not urgently needed [337].

All of this detailed information regarding desires and roads of the spirits is received from two sources, namely, from the observation of the shaman's behaviour, when he introduces spirits into himself, and from observation of the seven themselves speaking through the shaman when the spirits are introduced into himself. However, once a year, or more rarely when all of the shaman's spirits are «fed», i.e. when they receive their sacrifice, they say about themselves what they were before, how they lived and in general whatever they may wish to say, through the shaman. In case the seven is not a Tungus, the shaman speaks in other languages, e.g. the Yakut, Mongol, Manchu, Chinese and also perhaps unknown languages. In such a case, the shaman or his assistant gives later on an interpretation of what was stated by the spirit.

The methods of attraction of the spirits and dealing with them are different, but what is essential is that every one must have its own placing and this is the reason why the placings are so numerous and varied and there must be something corresponding to the individual inclination of each spirit which would attract it to its placing. For this reason it is in some cases strictly necessary to erect posts with «roads» for dealing with the spirits. When the spirit is in, then it may be served with sacrifice and it may be influence by the persuasion of those who have attracted it into the placing. When the spirit is attracted into the placing it may also be influence by the methods of forcing spirits either to stop harmful activity or to direct activity in a desirable way. Also the spirit introduced may be taken far away and left there or even transmitted to other people. The dealing with the spirits in so far as practical ways are concerned will be described in Part 3.

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ORIGIN OF SPIRITS. The origin of spirits is different too. We may distinguish (1) the spirits which have been transmitted from time immemorial, from one generation to another, (2) the spirits which have been recently borrowed from the neighbouring ethnical groups, (3) the spirits which are incidentally subdued by the shaman, (4) the ancestors-spirits and (5) the spirits formed from animals and men whose souls remain in this world.

The first group ought to be accepted as a matter of tradition. However, this group is not very stable owing to the fact that the spirits, like everything else, are influence by the current fashions. Since the shamans do not master all of the spirits of the group and sometimes do not use all of them the spirits may gradually fall into oblivion. In this case, the Tungus say that in olden days there were certain spirits but there are no longer strong shamans who know how those spirits may now be mastered. These spirits would not be active.

The group of spirits received from other ethnical groups is very numerous. In fact, at the present time all Tungus groups are living under interethnical pressure always increasing. So that if there are some new spirits which become known to the Tungus and if these spirits produce their effect upon the people it is very likely that sooner or later the spirits will be mastered by one of the shamans, and in this way their harmfulness would be neutralised. However, there are great limitations as to the possibility of spreading of the new spirits. These limitations are due to the difference between the cultural complexes, — the cultural complex in which the new spirit makes its first appearance and that in which the spirit ought to be incorporated. So that if the spirit is «born» in the conditions of an agricultural complex and is closely connected with this complex, it would not be active, although theoretically known, amongst the Tungus until the moment when the complex underlying it is assimilated by the Tungus. However, since the Tungus usually are very easy in respect of their adopting alien cultural elements and complexes, they do adopt new spirits more than other ethnical groups. So the Tungus always complain about themselves: they say that other ethnical groups are not so much attacked by the spirits as are the Tungus. This group of spirits is naturally subject to gradual change due to the conditions that we have already seen in the case of the spirits transmitted by the tradition.

The group of spirits which are incidentally mastered may be of various origin. So, for instance, the shaman may meet during his travelling a new spirit, unknown to himself and to other people. If he should succeed in introducing this spirit into himself and if the spirit should do some useful work for the shaman, the spirit would be adopted and it might become more important than any of the other spirits of the shaman. Naturally this group of spirits is very individualistic and many of them perish with the shaman's death. However, some of them may survive, being transmitted to other shamans of younger generations. For such an issue the principal condition is that the shaman must give full information as to the character and behaviour of the spirit newly acquired.

The fourth group of spirits formed from the souls of dead ancestors and particularly shamans is very elastic. Some Tungus groups incorporate all shamans' souls into the complex, as it is with the Manchus, while some other groups try their best to manage a shaman's soul in such a way that it would stay inactive in the world of dead people. Naturally, this group of spirits always incorporates new members and loses the old ones.

The fifth group is very small and it may be considered as a group of incidental spirits. In fact, the animals which attain great age (vide infra) may become burkan; when they become burkan they may be mastered. The discovery of a new animal burkan depends, of course, on the individual considerations of the shaman. Naturally, the souls of these animals do not go to the lower world. The same is true of the human souls which are not admitted into the lower world and they are not incarnated, but remain free as are burkan.

From the above remarks it may be seen that the spirits are different as to their origin and naturally they are very numerous. The reason that shamans have so many spirits may be seen from three conditions: (1) the shamans have to adopt the spirits which are transmitted through tradition; (2) the shamans master the spirits which are affecting them personally and those which affect the people; (3) the shamans master the spirits which may be useful for them. The last group now requires our special attention. During the shaman's activity he needs to have the assistance of spirits which possess different manifestations. For instance, the shaman needs to go with the souls of dead people to the lower world; on his way he meets with rivers, mountains, and other obstacles, so he must have such spirits whose manifestations can aid him to go across the rivers, to pass high mountains, etc. During his fighting with other spirits he sometimes needs to assume the form of birds, insects, and various animals in order to be able to follow the spirits; therefore he must have spirits which have these manifestations. It is natural that if manifestations. It is natural that if the shaman learns that there are some new spirits which have useful manifestations, he will try to master the new spirit. It is thus natural that shamans are not all alike and there may be very powerful shamans who possess many manifestations and yet there are some other shamans who are very weak and possess but few manifestations, so their activity is very limited. From the description of the spirits this may be still better seen.

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ALIEN and CLAN SPIRITS. The spirits mastered by the shamans may be classified in two main groups, namely, the clan spirits and the spirits dona — «alien, foreign». The spirits preserve this distinction even in case when the clan shaman masters the spirits of the clan which are of an alien origin, — we have already seen that the Tungus distinguish the clan spirits like malu and some others. So that when the shaman masters these spirits, or better to say, some of their manifestations, he may become clan shaman, but the same shaman may also master spirits which are not clan spirits. Still, being mastered they will not become clan spirits. However, when the same dona spirits are transmitted from one generation to another (shamans of the same clan) they may naturally become clan spirits, but they would be used only by the shaman.

Practically, as we have seen, all spirits may be mastered with the exception of buga and inmunkan (irtinkan, etc.). Yet, even the latter may be mastered in some of his manifestations, e.g. mongoldoi nakchu has been mastered. All depends on the shaman's art. However, the spirits though mastered preserve some independence and may sometimes act against the shaman's will.

There are two purposes in mastering the spirits: (1) to deal with them when they harm the people, and (2) to assume the manifestations of the spirits when the shaman needs them for his fighting with other spirits, or needs to deal with other spirits, or wants to use them for his own purposes. Owing to this the complex of clan spirits also depends on the inclinations of the shamans who previously existed in the clan.

The Tungus suppose that every clan has its own spirits which never introduce themselves into the people who belong to other clans. Such spirits may be simply mokun'i burkan (vide supra Section 49) which are as such transmitted from one to another generation of the shamans. This is the case of many Manchu shamans. Since all Tungus clans have malu burkan, all clans have also malu seven which in this way is clan seven. The question now arises since the burkan is the same amongst the groups how does the difference exist between the clans in respect to their specific spirits. This difficult question is answered in the following way the complex (malu) is the same, but the origin of the spirit is different. For instance, the Birarchen clan dumankan has received its malu from the clan kargir, but the clan kargir originally (we have seen, after a migration southwards, vide SONT) lived near Lake Hanka (South Ussuri Region) and therefore malu is of different origin. The jerga seven is from the Ussuri River and therefore it is different. I need not explain farther, for there are many similar cases in the European complex.

In every clan there are certain variations in the number of manifestations of the same seven, and also in the prayers and ritual. The clan seven cannot be expelled from the clan but always remains, and must be treated in the most polite manner. The spirits must have regular sacrifice. In case these spirits have no shaman-master they become extremely harmful for the members of the clan.

The number of clan seven is subject to variation which depends on the previous shamans and these seven may also increase and decrease. So in some clans there is more clan seven than clan burkan. Naturally it may be vice versa. In the case of the dunankan clan the process of assimilation of dona spirit is now going on: «There was an old shaman who was a bad natured person. During his life he caused much misfortune to the people, — some of them lost their «horses, others lost their children. Then four shamans decided to destroy this shaman. He went for birch-bark into the forest. As soon as he left his birch-bark canoe, he saw a tiger and a bear coming to attack him (These were forms assumed by the other shamans!) but «he defended himself with his axe. He ventured to his canoe and said: 'Now it is safe. I will extinguish all of them.' When he reached home he put on his costume and shamanised three days and three nights. After this he 'began to die' but before dying he said: 'Never mind. All of you will follow me.' After his death there remained his dona seven which went from one family to another (in the clan) and everybody suffered from it. Nobody could master this seven; if a shaman had taken it he would have died soon, — the spirit did not want another master, but it did not want to leave the clan so it will remain there forever.» There was an idea of taking the spirit up to the Kumara River where there were no members of this clan. But even this operation would be extremely difficult and it might be good for a period of three to four years only. And yet even for such a temporary alleviation there should be required a very experienced shaman and a copious sacrifice consisting of either a roe-deer or a pig and a great number of wood-cocks. The opinion of the clansmen was that it would be better to find a good man who could master the spirit.

This is an illustration for showing how the dona seven may become clan seven and naturally at least for a certain time this seven, will be one of the most powerful spirits of this clan. However, the clan seven when absent for some time will return, but this time perhaps as dona and so it will be again adopted.

However, the distinction of clan spirits (mokun'i or kalan' seven) and alien spirits (dona seven) is quite essential, for it is always hoped that the dona seven may be sent off and they will do no harm to the people, if they are not exceptionally powerful spirits, while if the spirit is a clan spirit, the Tungus have to consider them as something of which they cannot rid themselves.

Among the spirits dona there are very many which are connected with certain localities. So, I have met with Selimd'i (a river, tributary of the Zeia River in the Amur Gov.) dona seven; Num'in (a river, tributary of the Nomin River) dona seven; Argun (a river, an important tributary of the Amur River) dona seven. The dona seven may also be from other ethnical groups, so, for instance, amongst the Birarchen there are several dona which have been received by the shamans from the Reindeer Tungus of the Amur and Yakutsk governments, and even from the Yakuts. Among the Manchus there are as a rule several spirits from the Northern Tungus and Chinese, and also Mongols. When such a foreign spirit comes, the shaman speaks, better to say is supposed to speak, the language of the spirit. However, these spirits may understand the dialects of the assistant shamans and gradually begin to answer in the mother tongue of the shaman and his assistant. Why the shamans have these spirits may be answered when we discuss the question of the shaman.

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ANIMAL MANIFESTATIONS. There remains one more important point to be cleared up before we proceed to the description of the spirits, namely, the animal manifestations of the spirits.

From the previous exposition of the facts it might be quite clearly seen that the Tungus idea as to the animals is such a one that the animals cannot be spirits themselves or act by themselves as spirits. There are no animals possessing the power of spirits which may interfere with human life and activity. In the previous treatment of the spirits we met with some cases when the souls of animals might become spirits, but the same souls might also be incarnated into the people [338]. Yet, the animals as such do not act, but the animal forms may be assumed by the spirits. So that if the spirit is «clever» (in Tungus balbuka, a term which is referred only to the spirits), it may have different manifestations in which it may be as strong as a tiger, or as swift as a deer; it may fly as well as a bird or it may go into the water like a fish, and so on. However, the spirit will not be the tiger, the deer, the bird, the fish. The spirit will have (to possess and to master) the immaterial substance of the animals which possess these qualities of strength etc. and it will use these qualities for its own purpose. Yet, it will not be these animals at all, and they will not be material in their nature. However, the people may mistake them for material beings, — the animals. The situation is complicated by the fact, according to the Tungus idea, that the animals, with their bodies, may be entered by the spirits and in such a state spirits will act with the bodies of these animals, «animated» by the spirits, i.e. just as in the case when a man ie possessed by the spirits, and as ibayan and bong is possessed by them, — no Tungus would agree that these are animals or corpses which are acting. Since the Tungus must designate these qualities of spirits by some terms, and they have to show the qualities in their placings they speak of and represent the animals in their physical features. Indeed, to invent new terms is not easy; still to express them in a complex formula, e.g. of the type as «the spirit's manifestation having strength like that of a tiger» is too complex so they say merely «tiger» and they represent the «placing» in the form of a stylized tiger. Here it is timely to say that the placings are never realistic, but are always represented in a stylized form. It is not that the Tungus do not know how to make realistic images of these animals, that they are «primitive», but the Tungus do not need to have realistic images; the spirits (seven) perhaps would not recognize them as their placings [339].

The question as to the animals' role in the shamanism of the groups here discussed is absolutely clear, — the animals as such play no part at all. As I have shown, the Tungus do recognize a certain mental power in the animals, sometimes they recognize the superiority of the animals in physical power, sharpness of sight, refinement of sense of smell etc. but all of the Tungus believe in their own mental superiority. They go still further; they do not recognize that there are men who can do more than they do unless these men possess the spirits through and with the help of which they may act. However, this will not be «human» power. In reference to the animals I have never heard that the animals may actually possess the spirits, but the animals as well as men may be possessed by the spirits. Therefore everything which was written in reference to the role of the animals, their particular supernatural power over man, and generally the relation between men and animals, needs revision and careful critical analysis. Otherwise one may become the victim of one's own imagination regarding the «primitive mentality». Indeed, what is stated in the above lines is referred strictly to the groups investigated. I do not intend to spread my inferences, based upon the groups investigated, over the groups which I have not investigated. I suppose that in some cases there may exist hypotheses regarding other animals which are supposed to possess «supernatural power», but in so far as the neighbouring groups as the Goldi, Oroci, Gilaks and others are concerned, I do doubt the possibility of supplying them with the ideas never possessed by them regarding the animals [340].

These remarks are necessary in order to warn the readers against misunderstanding of the facts observed. Indeed, for abbreviation I shall use expressions like «animal manifestations» «birds», «dragons» etc., but it will be always understood that these are not animals which are «worshipped» or accepted by the Tungus as «supernatural» beings.

I shall now enumerate some usual animals manifestations which are: the tiger and bear for their strength; the wolf; the hare because of its tracks which are always intricate and it is difficult for the hostile spirits to follow them in order to find the shaman; the Cervus Elaphus and Cervus Alces which beat with their antlers; the mustela (solongo), fox, and sable which may penetrate without being noticed; the horse and ox are also used; the eagle (with a white tail), swan, and many other birds are also used for flying and the eagle for attacking; the insects are also used. These manifestations are usually employed by the shamans when they have to go to the lower world or to fight the spirits in this world.

Following the same line of ideas are manifestations of spirits in «natural phenomena», like the thunder, lightning, the whirl wind, the fire, the rainbow, and others. Behind these manifestations there are usually found spirits which are «like» a certain phenomenon. More than this, some of these manifestations were created by the shamans who lived before and were called by these names as shamans who were known as possessing these manifestations. Again it is thus evident that the shaman's soul may be placed in a whirl wind, clouds, and so on. However, there may be no manifestations like the sun, moon, and also stars for these forms cannot be assumed by the shamans, nor spirit. So if they are met with e.g. as in the case of the malu burkan and malu seven, they are mere symbols (symbolized placings) without any hint as to possibility of mastering these celestial bodies. They are thus rather «names» of some spirits. As all natural phenomena, they are directly controlled by buya (vide supra). There may be also manifestations like a cart, dwellings, etc., used for the same purpose.

329. He says that the Gold term is nearer to «seon» than to «seven» of approximate transcription.

330. It should be transcribed seva and not zeva as it is figured in the Russian translation of Schrenck's work. 331. Cf. his work On Natives, etc., Vol. 3, pp. 113, 120.

332. In the transcriptions of Tungus sound e by the Russins the sound Y is often encountered since for Russians it is acoustically near to e.

333. Cf. Poniatowski in the compound name seka+ni sela+ki mama, — the wife of enduri, where seka and sela with suffixes are referred to the spirit enduri.

334. They usually palatalise, e.g. a'ama~sama, the shaman. 335. Perhaps in the same group there ought to be included Manchu soko~soku, — the «spirits» (the spirits of the earth and heaven, the penates spirits to whom the shamans pray, according to I. Zaxarov), However, in Manchu Sp. I have never met with this term where it evidently is obsolete.

335. P. P. Schmidt (Chinesische Elemente im Mandschu, p. 386) gives for shi-fu, sy-fu, the same characters with translation «Lehrer, Meister».

336. This term has been introduced into Birarchen quite mently. It may be pointed out that in Manchu Sp. sefu may change into sevu, sevo, i.e. analogous to efimbi, evembe, etc. The Tungus form seve might be thus received as Manchu Sp. modification of Chinese sifu.

337. The spirits buni are not so particular about being disturbed. So once a shaman sang for the phonograph and after having finished the prayer to the buni he said: «Do not be disturbed, I was only singing that for this machine». But he categorically refused to disturb (into the phonograph) the spirit seven.

338. The animal spirits, i.e. the spirits which might have formerly lived in the animal, are known but the Tungus do not associate them with definite animals, — individuals and even species The spirit-might go from one animal to another and even to man in this way gathering its experience and knowledge. So that if the Tungus are asked from which animals the spirit are, it is very likely that they would answer, — «We do not know it, but according to what the spirit says, it may be supposed that at a certain time it was in certain given animals.»

339. During my work amongst the Tungus groups I have cleared up this question quite definitely and I gathered some specimens of their realistic pictures of the animals represented sometimes in their stylized form for «placings».

340. Most of the records regarding these groups left by the investigators, such as L. von Schrenck, R. Maack, S. Brailovskil, V. Arseniev and especially L. Sternberg and I. A Lopatin show the great fallacy of having tried to adapt the facts to the existing European conceptions of the «primitive man» and to find among the groups investigated by them everything which was at their time written in the manuals of ethnography. It is not surprising that everything — animism, idolatry, totemism, fetishism etc. — were discovered although they did not actually exist in the forms pictured by the investigators.

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